If—as the English saying goes—timing is everything, then the start of my work with KoRSE last week and my lecture today could hardly be more opportune. Security and surveillance are leading global issues in ways that they have not been for years. First, I am very well aware that news of American surveillance and espionage has stirred alarm and resentment throughout German society, sending shock waves all the way to the Kanzleramt. Personal and political relations between our countries are once again strained. And, as an American voter, I assure you that I take my democratic responsibility for the actions of my government very seriously. But these might be the limits of my ability to respond directly to and account for the developments of the last month. For now that is a task better left to the media, particularly the excellent journalists on both sides of the Atlantic who are doing important work in covering the story. Instead, I want to turn to history. In particular, the history of the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Mercifully, this Senate investigation came to be known by the name of its Chairman, U. Senator Frank Church. I believe that the Church Committee provides essential background and presents poignant parallels for better understanding these contemporary events. First and foremost, that is true for an audience of foreign jurists and legal scholars because a reflection on the Church Committee provides a useful framework for introducing parts of the constitutional and statutory regime relevant to the balance America has struck between security and liberty. National Security, Intelligence and Democracy. New Yorkers awoke to a cold and clear mid-winter day on Sunday, December 22, The holiday mood had been tempered by sharply rising inflation and news of bombings at famed London retailers. The New York Times had other explosive news to report. Hersh wrote about tens of thousands of Americans under CIA surveillance, including members of Congress, often by direct order of the Nixon White House. Hersh reported on sinister American clandestine operations around the world, including scores of assassination attempts involving heads of state. Senate voted to launch an independent Ist Serious Dating Affair Seriös into U. Frank Church, the well-respected Senator from Idaho, was appointed chair of the eleven-member Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Some of the most prominent names in American politics lent their reputations to the effort, including committee members Walter Mondale D [future Vice President], Howard Baker R [future Senate Majority Leader and future White House Chief of Staff], and Barry Goldwater R [ Republican Presidential Candidate]. It is as natural for Americans, as it is perhaps discomforting for Germans, to pay considerable attention to the personalities involved in such affairs. Of course, this is a less controversial Ist Serious Dating Affair Seriös in political matters, even if party platforms remain more important than identity politics in Germany. This American perspective might Ist Serious Dating Affair Seriös me in saying a few words about Senator Frank Church, who was repeatedly elected to the Senate as a Democrat from the staunchly conservative state of Idaho. In all of this, Church was a principled pragmatic. He was offended by the way American covert policy disregarded what he viewed as the uniquely American values of democracy and the rule of law. But he was equally troubled by the evidence he had gathered that these abuses were more likely to endanger American interests than promote them. He might have known something about necessary and effective intelligence work; he served as an intelligence officer for the U. Army in the Pacific Theater during WWII. Church brought the same values and vision to his leadership of the Church Committee, about which I will offer more detail in a moment. Before I do that, however, let me add that Church paid a great personal price for this work with the committee. Archived materials, including letters he exchanged with his wife, reveal that his commitment to the work and mission of the committee delayed the announcement of his candidacy until March, —just seven short months before the imminent election. Despite this delay, Church won four Democratic Party state primaries. But he was not able to make-up for lost time and lost momentum and he eventually conceded the race to Jimmy Carter. There is every reason to believe he might have won the nomination had he given his presidential aspirations priority. And in the first post-Watergate election, it seemed certain that the Democratic nominee would win the White House, as Jimmy Carter did. Instead, Church became a hated target of the anti-communist right in America, which campaigned aggressively against him in the years after his leadership of the Church Committee. Henry Kissinger, for example, accused Church of wrecking the CIA. He lost by less than one-percent of the vote and was dead from pancreatic cancer just four years later. Those institutions were used to operating outside the light of public accountability, driven by a wild west mentality that believed the ends justified all means and that the security services enjoyed impunity from the limits of constitutional governance. And at least one commentator has wondered if anything like it has ever been done in any other country. The Church Committee was given two mandates.
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